in
to quote from them. "I'm simply having the time of my life . . . every one
is here." In a talk when he was asked to fill in at the last minute, he
presented "two arguments why trade-unions alone could not be depended on
to bring desirable change in working conditions through collective
bargaining: one, because they were numerically so few in contrast to the
number of industrial workers, and, two, because the reforms about to be
demanded were technical, medical, and generally of scientific character,
and skilled experts employed by the state would be necessary."

Back again in New York, he wrote: "It just raises my hair to feel I'm
not where a Dad ought to be. My blessed, precious family! I tell you
there isn't anything in this world like a wife and babies and I'm for
that life that puts me close. I'm near smart enough to last a heap of
years. Though when I see how my trip makes me feel alive in my head and
enthusiastic, I know it has been worth while. . . ." Along in January he
worked his thesis up in writing. "Last night I read my paper to the
Robinsons after the dinner and they had Mr. and Mrs. John Dewey there. A
most superb and grand discussion followed, the Deweys going home at
eleven-thirty and I stayed to talk to one A.M. I slept dreaming wildly
of the discussion. . . . Then had an hour and a half with Dewey on certain
moot points. That talk was even more superb and resultful to me and I'm
just about ready to quit. . . . I need now to write and read."

I quote a bit here and there from a paper written in New York in 1917,
because, though hurriedly put together and never meant for publication,
it describes Carl's newer approach to Economics and especially to the
problem of Labor.

"In 1914 I was asked to investigate a riot among 2800 migratory
hop-pickers in California which had resulted in five deaths, many-fold
more wounded, hysteria, fear, and a strange orgy of irresponsible
persecution by the county authorities--and, on the side of the laborers,
conspiracy, barn-burnings, sabotage, and open revolutionary propaganda.
I had been teaching labor-problems for a year, and had studied them in
two American universities, under Sidney Webb in London, and in four
universities of Germany. I found that I had no fundamentals which could
be called good tools with which to begin my analysis of this riot. And I
felt myself merely a conventional if astonished onlooker before the
theoretically abnormal but manifestly natura