s must be suppressed and law must resume its sway. In
ordering United States troops to the scene of the disturbance without an
application of the Legislature or Governor of Illinois he accomplished a
fresh extension of executive power without an infraction of the
Constitution.

In his most important diplomatic action Cleveland was not so happy as in
his domestic policy. There are able men experienced in diplomacy who
defend his message of December 17, 1895, to Congress in regard to
Venezuela, and the wisdom of that action is still a mooted question. Yet
two facts placed in juxtaposition would seem to indicate that the
message was a mistake. It contained a veiled threat of war if England
would not arbitrate her difference with Venezuela, the implication being
that the stronger power was trying to browbeat the weaker one. Later an
arbitration took place, the award of which was a compromise, England
gaining more than Venezuela, and the award demonstrated that England
had not been as extreme and unjust in her claim as had been Venezuela.
It is even probable that England might have accepted, as the result of
negotiation, the line decided on by the arbitrators. But, to the credit
of Mr. Cleveland and his Secretary of State, Mr. Olney, it must be
remembered that they later negotiated a treaty "for the arbitration of
all matters in difference between the United States and Great Britain,"
which unfortunately failed of ratification by the Senate.

It is a fair charge against Cleveland as a partisan leader that, while
he led a strong following to victory in 1892, he left his party
disorganized in 1897. But it fell to him to decide between principle and
party, and he chose principle. He served his country at the expense of
his party. From the point of view of Democrats it was grievous that the
only man under whom they had secured victory since the Civil War should
leave them in a shattered condition, and it may be a question whether a
ruler of more tact could not have secured his ends without so great a
schism. Those, however, to whom this party consideration does not appeal
have no difficulty in approving Cleveland's course. It is undeniable
that his character is stamped on the presidential office, and his
occupancy of it is a distinct mark in the history of executive power.

Harrison occupied the presidential office between the two terms of
Cleveland, and although a positive man, left no particular impress upon
the office. He w