; and those of us who used
more forcible language in regard to the same incident may well wish that
we had emulated his moderation.

The presidential office differs from all other political offices in the
world, and has justified the hopes of its creators. It has not realized
their fears, one of which was expressed by Hamilton in the _Federalist_.
"A man raised from the station of a private citizen to the rank of Chief
Magistrate," he wrote, "possessed of a moderate or slender fortune, and
looking forward to a period not very remote, when he may probably be
obliged to return to the station from which he was taken, might
sometimes be under temptations to sacrifice his duty to his interest,
which it would require superlative virtue to withstand. An avaricious
man might be tempted to betray the interests of the state to the
acquisition of wealth. An ambitious man might make his own
aggrandizement, by the aid of a foreign power, the price of his
treachery to his constituents."[169] From dangers of this sort the
political virtue which we inherited from our English ancestors has
preserved us. We may fairly maintain that the creation and
administration of our presidential office have added something to
political history, and when we contrast in character and ability the men
who have filled it with the monarchs of England and of France, we may
have a feeling of just pride. Mr. Bryce makes a suggestive comparison in
ability of our Presidents to the prime ministers of England, awarding
the palm to the Englishmen,[170] and from his large knowledge of both
countries and impartial judgment we may readily accept his conclusion.
It is, however, a merit of our Constitution that as great ability is not
required for its chief executive office as is demanded in England. The
prime minister must have a talent for both administration and debate,
which is a rare combination of powers, and if he be chosen from the
House of Commons, it may happen that too much stress will be laid upon
oratory, or the power of making ready replies to the attacks of the
opposition. It is impossible to conceive of Washington defending his
policy in the House or the Senate from a fire of questions and
cross-questions. Lincoln might have developed this quality of a prime
minister, but his replies and sallies of wit to put to confusion his
opponents would have lacked the dignity his state papers and
confidential letters possess. Hayes and Cleveland were excellent
ad