s of modern man demands that all such national economic
barriers be removed and replaced by governmental co-operation to secure,
by free trade and an open door, for capital and labour the fullest and
best development and distribution of the economic resources of the
world.

While, therefore, the most impressive political events of the nineteenth
century have been the expression and the successful realization of
nationalism, many powerful undercurrents of internationalism have been
gathering force. The pressures of civilization have been more and more
towards extra-national activities. Thoughtful men and women in our time
recognize the urgent need of closer international communion for three
related purposes: First, the consolidation, extension, and effective
sanction of the existing body of international law; secondly, the
establishment of peace on a basis of reliable methods for the just
settlement of differences; thirdly, the provision of regular accepted
means for the co-operation of nations in all sorts of positive
constructive work for the human commonwealth.

These general considerations I will ask you to regard as introductory
to the grave practical question which confronts us. Is this essential
work of internationalism consistent with the preservation of the
sovereignty and independence of the present national state, or does its
performance involve some definite cession of these national state-rights
to the requirements of an international government?

The terrible events which are passing to-day ripen and sharpen this
issue. They bring into powerful relief the inherent defects of an
international polity based upon the absolute independence of the several
states, and the futile mechanical balances and readjustments by which
foreign policy has been conducted hitherto. But how far do they offer
assistance or security for the achievement of organic reform? After this
war has come to a close, will the nations and governments be enabled to
lay a sound basis for pacific settlement of disputes and for active
co-operation in the common cause of humanity for the future? No
confident answer to this question is possible. For nobody can predict
the composition and the relative strength of the feelings and ideas
which will constitute 'the state of mind' of the several nations and
their statesmen. As regards immediate or early policy, much will, of
course, depend upon the definiteness of the victory and defeat, and the
cons