sions
imposed upon them had crossed the sea, he had no acquaintance with
Europeans of high position, and none whatever with the diplomatic
personnel of European courts. In this Adams was more fortunate. Educated
abroad, while his father was minister to the court of St. James, he was
from youth familiar with courts and their ways. To be the son of a
president of the United States was no small matter at that day. The
conjunction of these two men was rare. One of European birth and trained
to American politics, the other of American birth and brought up in the
atmosphere of European diplomacy. In their natural characteristics they
were the opposite of one another. Adams was impetuous, overbearing,
impatient of contradiction or opposition. Gallatin was calm,
self-controlled, persistent; not jealous of his opinions, but ready to
yield or abandon his own methods, if those of others promised better
success; never blinded by passion or prejudice, but holding the end
always in view. That end was peace; "peace at all times desirable," as
Mr. Gallatin said a few days before his departure on his mission, but
much more so, 'because of the incapacity shown in the conduct of the
war, its inefficiency when compared with its expense, and the open
hostility to it of a large number of the American people.' In the face
of the disasters which had befallen the country Mr. Gallatin must have
felt some qualms of conscience for his persistent opposition to the
military and naval establishments. Their reorganization had place in his
desire for peace. He said, May 5, 1813: "Taught by experience, we will
apply a part of our resources to such naval preparations and
organization of the public force as will, within less than five years,
place us in a commanding situation." With the particulars of the dispute
between the two countries he was perfectly familiar. His report prepared
in 1808 for Mr. Campbell, chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Relations, covered the whole ground of the American argument.
At the outset there seemed good ground for hope of an early agreement.
European politics were at a critical point, and England naturally
wished to husband her resources for a sudden emergency. The mediation of
Russia Mr. Gallatin considered a salve to the pride of England. This
reasoning seemed sound enough, but it had not taken account of one
important element: the jealousy of England of any outside interference
between herself and her ancient depend
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