were forgotten.' And Jefferson himself, in his complacent
reflection that even the name of Federalist was "extinguished by the
battle of New Orleans," did not see that the Republican party of the old
school had been snuffed out by the same event. The new democracy, whose
claims to rule were based, not on the policy of peace or restricted
powers, but on the seductive glitter of military glory, was in the
ascendant, and General Jackson was the favorite of the hour. New
combinations became necessary, and Mr. Gallatin was requested to
withdraw from the ticket, and make room for Mr. Clay, whose great
western influence it was hoped would save it from defeat. This he gladly
did in a declaration of October 2, addressed to Martin Van Buren, dated
at his Fayette home, and published in the "National Intelligencer." The
result of the election was singular. Calhoun was elected vice-president
by the people. The presidential contest was decided in the House, Adams
being chosen over Jackson and Crawford, by the influence of Clay. Mr.
Gallatin quickly discerned in the failure of the people to elect a
president the collapse of the Republican party. He considered it as
"fairly defunct."

Jackson had already announced the startling doctrine that no regard was
to be had to party in the selection of the great officers of government,
which Mr. Gallatin considered as tantamount to a declaration that
principles and opinions were of no importance in its administration. To
lose sight of this principle was to substitute men for measures.
Jackson's idea of party, however, was personal fealty. He engrafted the
_pouvoir personnel_ on the Democratic party as thoroughly as Napoleon
could have done in his place. Moreover, Gallatin considered Jackson's
assumption of power in his collisions with the judiciary at New Orleans
and Pensacola, and his orders to take St. Augustine without the
authority of Congress, as dangerous assaults upon the Constitution of
the country and the liberties of the people, and he dreaded the
substitution of the worship of a military chieftain for the maintenance
of that liberty, the last hope of man. Ten years later he uttered the
same opinion in a conversation with Miss Martineau, and he expressed a
preference for an annual president, a cipher, so that all would be done
by the ministry. But in the impossibility of this plan, he would have
preferred a four years' term without renewal or an extension of six
years; an idea adopte