pecially
exerted himself, had taken Cromwell's place in the royal favour. There
was, indeed, no possibility of stemming the tide which was flowing
against the Vicegerent and in favour of the King; and Cromwell was
forced to swim with the stream in the vain hope of saving himself from
disaster.

[Footnote 1081: In 1536 Henry had sent round a
circular to the sheriffs; but its main object was
to show that another Parliament was indispensable,
to persuade the people that "their charge and time,
which will be very little and short, would be well
spent," and to secure "that persons are elected who
will serve, and for their worship and qualities be
most meet for this purpose" (_L. and P._, x., 815).
The sheriffs in fact were simply to see that the
burden was placed on those able and willing to bear
it. The best illustration of the methods adopted
and of the amount of liberty of election exercised
by the constituents may be found in Southampton's
letter to Cromwell (_ibid._, XIV., i., 520). At
Guildford he told the burgesses they must return
two members, which would be a great charge to the
town, "but that if they followed my advice it would
cost little or nothing, for I would provide able
men to supply the room". They said that one Daniel
Modge wanted one of the seats, but Southampton
might arrange for the other. About the Sussex
election he was doubtful, but various friends had
promised to do their parts. Farnham, he said,
returned burgesses (though it does not appear in
the _Official Return_), but that was the bishop's
town, "and my Lord Chamberlain is his steward
there; so I forbear to meddle".]

[Footnote 1082: _L. and P._, XIV., i., 662, 800,
808. By a singular fatality the returns for this
Parliament have been lost, so there is no means of
ascertaining how many of these nominees were
actually elected.]