change, and through this regulation can help to prevent war.
"I believe in an international currency which will be a sort of legal
tender among all the nations. Why should the currency of the country
depreciate or rise with the fortunes of war or with its industrial or
other complications? Misfortune should not be penalized fiscally."
I brought up the question of the lack of accord which then existed
between Britain and America and suggested that perhaps the fall in
exchange had something to do with it, whereupon he said: "Yes, I think
it has. It merely illustrates the point that I have just made about an
international currency."
We came back to the subject of individualism, which led Smuts to say:
"The Great War was a striking illustration of the difference between
individualism and nationalism. Hindenberg commanded the only army in the
war. It was a product of nationalism. The individualism of the
Anglo-Saxon is such that it becomes a mob but it is an intelligent mob.
Haig and Pershing commanded such mobs."
I tried to probe Smuts about Russia. He was in London when I returned
from Petrograd in 1917 and I recall that he displayed the keenest
interest in what I told him about Kerensky and the new order that I had
seen in the making. I heard him speak at a Russian Fair in London. The
whole burden of his utterance was the hope that the Slav would achieve
discipline and organization. At that time Russia redeemed from autocracy
looked to be a bulwark of Allied victory. The night we talked about
Russia at Capetown she had become the prey of red terror and the
plaything of organized assassination.
Smuts looked rather wistful when he said:
"You cannot defeat Russia. Napoleon learned this to his cost and so will
the rest of the world. I do not know whether Bolshevism is advancing or
subsiding. There comes a time when the fiercest fires die down. But the
best way to revive or rally all Russia to the Soviet Government is to
invade the country and to annex large slices of it."
These utterances were made during those more or less hasty meals at the
House of Parliament when the Premier's mind was really in the
Legislative Hall nearby where he was fighting for his administrative
life. It was far different out at _Groote Schuur_, the home of the Prime
Minister, located in Rondebosch, a suburb about nine miles from
Capetown. In the open country that he loves, and in an environment that
breathed the romance and performan
|