tisfied that neither of them had taken the trouble,
and it requires some trouble, to understand it. I admit them to be no mean
authorities. Terminable annuities sold to others than yourself are quite
another matter. I got into the law some power of this kind over post
office savings bank monies to be exercised by the chancellor of the
exchequer from time to time.

This is all I need trouble you with, and I have endeavoured to keep clear
of all idiosyncratic propositions as much as in me lies. Of course such a
letter calls for no answer. As this legacy opinion to you takes the form
of a donation _inter vivos_ it will, I hope, escape duty.

Prince Albert, 1854

_Page __426_

Mr. Gladstone wrote an elaborate article in the _Morning Chronicle_ (Jan.
16, 1854) warmly defending the court against attacks that had clouded the
popularity of the Prince Consort. They came to little more than that the
Prince attended meetings of the privy council; that he was present when
the Queen gave an audience to a minister; that he thwarted ministerial
counsels and gave them an un-English character; that in corresponding with
relatives abroad he used English influence apart from the Queen's
advisers. Mr. Gladstone had no great difficulty in showing how little this
was worth, either as fact supported by evidence, or as principle supported
by the fitness of things; and he put himself on the right ground. "We do
not raise the question whether, if the minister thinks it right to
communicate with the sovereign alone, he is not entitled to a private
audience. But we unhesitatingly assert that if the Prince is present when
the Queen confers with her advisers, and if his presence is found to be
disadvantageous to the public interests, we are not left without a remedy;
for the minister is as distinctly responsible for those interests in this
as in any other matter, and he is bound on his responsibility to
parliament, to decline compliance even with a personal wish of the
sovereign when he believes that his assent would be injurious to the
country."

Parliamentary Crises

_Page __451_

_Extract from Mr. Gladstone's letter to the Queen, March 15, 1873_

There have been within that period [1830-1873] twelve of what may be
properly called parliamentary crises involving the question of a change of
government. In nine of the twelve cases (viz., those of 1830, 1835, 1841,
1846, 1852, 1858, 1859, 1866, and 1868), the party which had b