ne to Midlothian, that
they were in marked accordance as to opinions, if not as to form
and tone, and I did not alter a word. In the case of the first
Palmerston government I had certainly been thrown into rather
sharp opposition after I quitted it, but this was mainly due to
finance. I had not approved of the finance of Sir George Lewis,
highly as I estimated his judgment in general politics; and it was
in some ways a relief to me, when we had become colleagues in the
second Palmerston government, to find that he did not approve of
mine. However, I could only make such a declaration as the nature
of the case allowed.

He received all this without comment, and said his conversation
with her Majesty had ended as it began, each party adhering to the
ground originally taken up. He had not altered his advice, but had
come under her Majesty's command to learn my intentions, which he
was to make known to her Majesty returning to Windsor _this_ day
at one.

He asked me what I thought of the doctrine of obligation so much
pressed upon him by the Queen. I said that in my opinion the case
was clear enough. Her Majesty had not always acted on the rule of
sending for the leader of the opposition. Palmerston was the known
and recognised leader of the opposition in 1859, but the Queen
sent for Granville. The leader, if sent for, was in my opinion
bound either to serve himself, or to point out some other course
to her Majesty which he might deem to be more for the public
advantage. And if that course should fail in consequence of the
refusal of the person pointed out, the leader of the party could
not leave her Majesty unprovided with a government, but would be
bound in loyalty to undertake the task.

I did not indicate, nor did he ask, what I should do if sent for.
He did not indicate, nor did I ask, what he should do if the Queen
continued to press him to go on, in spite of his advice to her to
move in another direction.--_April 23, 1880._

A barren controversy was afterwards raised on the question whether at this
exciting moment Lord Hartington tried to form a government. What he did,
according to the memorandum, was to advise the Queen to send for Mr.
Gladstone, on the ground of his belief that Mr. Gladstone would join no
government of which he was not the head. The Queen then urged him to make
sur