into his speech with a
skill, and amplified confidence, that must have made everybody suppose
that it was a historic fact present every day to his mind. The attention
of a law-officer sitting by was called to this rapid amplification. "I
never saw anything like it in all my whole life," said the law-officer;
and he was a man who had been accustomed to deal with some of the
strongest and quickest minds of the day as judges and advocates.

One day when a tremendous afternoon of obstruction had almost worn him
down, the adjournment came at seven o'clock. He was haggard and depressed.
On returning at ten we found him making a most lively and amusing speech
upon procedure. He sat down as blithe as dawn. "To make a speech of that
sort," he said in deprecation of compliment, "a man does best to dine out;
'tis no use to lie on a sofa and think about it."

Undoubtedly Mr. Gladstone's method in this long committee carried with it
some disadvantages. His discursive treatment exposed an enormous surface.
His abundance of illustration multiplied points for debate. His fertility
in improvised arguments encouraged improvisation in disputants without the
gift. Mr. Gladstone always supposed that a great theme needs to be
copiously handled, which is perhaps doubtful, and indeed is often an exact
inversion of the true state of things. However that may be, copiousness is
a game at which two can play, as a patriotic opposition now and at other
times has effectually disclosed. Some thought in these days that a man
like Lord Althorp, for (M181) instance, would have given the obstructives
much more trouble in their pursuits than did Mr. Gladstone.

That Mr. Gladstone's supporters should become restive at the slow motion
of business was natural enough. They came to ministers, calling out for a
drastic closure, as simple tribes might clamour to a rain-maker. It was
the end of June, and with a reasonable opposition conducted in decent good
faith, it was computed that the bill might be through committee in
nineteen days. But the hypothesis of reason and good faith was not thought
to be substantial, and the cabinet resolved on resort to closure on a
scale like that on which it had been used by the late government in the
case of the Crimes Act of 1887, and of the Special Commission. It has been
said since on excellent authority, that without speaking of their good
faith, Mr. Gladstone's principal opponents were now running absolutely
short of new