of the Soviets,
considerably modified in form and limited in functions.

"In the conception of the Soviet system," writes the most influential
Jewish-German organ in Europe, "there is assuredly something
serviceable, and it behooves us to familiarize ourselves therewith.
Psychologically, it rests upon the need felt by the working-man to be
something more than a mere cog in the industrial mechanism. The first
step would consist in conferring upon labor committees juridical
functions consonant with latter-day requirements. These functions would
extend beyond those exercised by the labor committees hitherto. How far
they could go without rendering the industrial enterprise impossible is
a matter for investigation.... This is not merely a wish of the
extremists; it is a psychological requirement, and therefore it
necessitates the establishment of a closer nexus between legislation and
practical life which unhappily is become so complicated. And this need
is not confined to the laboring class. It is universal. Therefore, what
is good for the one is meet for the other."[276]

The Soviet system adapted to modern existence is one--and probably the
sole--legacy of Bolshevism to the new age.

During the Peace Conference Bolshevism played a large part in the
world's affairs. By some of the eminent lawgivers there it was feared as
a scourge; by others it was wielded as a weapon, and by a third set it
was employed as a threat. Whenever a delegate of one of the lesser
states felt that he was losing ground at the Peace Table, and that his
country's demands were about to be whittled down as extravagant, he
would point significantly to certain "foretokens" of an outbreak of
Bolshevism in his country and class them as an inevitable consequence of
the nation's disappointment. Thus the representative of nearly every
state which had a territorial program declared that that program must be
carried out if Bolshevism was to be averted there. "This or else
Bolshevism" was the peroration of many a delegate's _expose_. More
redoubtable than political discontent was the proselytizing activity of
the leaders of the movement in Russia.

Of the two pillars of Bolshevism one is a Russian, the other a Jew, the
former, Ulianoff (better known as Lenin), the brain; the other,
Braunstein (called Trotzky), the arm of the sect. Trotzky is an
unscrupulous despot, in whose veins flows the poison of malignity. His
element is cruelty, his special gift is org