GASES

Sir,--The weightily signed medical protest which you publish this
morning will be widely welcomed. The German employment of poisonous
gases for military purposes, which the Allies were obliged, reluctantly,
though necessarily, to reciprocate, was, of course, prohibited by
international Acts to which Germany is a party. Not only does the
Declaration of 1899 specifically render unlawful "the use of projectiles
the sole object of which is the diffusion of asphyxiating or harmful
gases," but the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 both forbid, in
general terms, the employment of "(_a_) poison or poisoned arms," "(_c_)
arms, projectiles, or material of a nature to cause superfluous
suffering." The United States, like the rest of the world, are a party
to the two Conventions, and would doubtless, after the experiences of
recent years, no longer hesitate, as hitherto, to adhere to the
Declaration of 1899; in accordance with Admiral Mahan's view at that
date, to the effect that "the effect of gas shells has yet to be
ascertained," and, in particular, "whether they would be more, or less,
merciful than missiles now available."

The prohibition ought, no doubt, to be renewed and, if possible,
strengthened; but this is surely not, as your correspondents suggest,
work for the Peace Congress. The rules for naval warfare set out in the
Declaration of Paris of 1856 form no part of the Treaty of Paris of that
year.

I venture to make a similar remark with reference to any discussion by
the Peace Congress of "the freedom of the seas," a topic unfortunately
included by President Wilson among his "14 points." The peace delegates
will be concerned with questions of regroupings of territory, penalties,
and reparation. The rehabilitation and revision of international law is
a different business, and should be reserved for a subsequent
conference.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
T. E. HOLLAND.
Oxford, November 29 (1918).

* * * * *

SECTION 10

_The Geneva Convention_

As far back as the year 1870, the Society for the Prevention of
Cruelty to Animals exerted itself to induce both sides in the
great war then commencing to make some special provision for
relieving, or terminating, the sufferings of horses wounded in
battle.

In 1899 it made the same suggestion to the British War Office,
but the reply of the Secretary of State was to the effect that
"he is i