to which the arms are
to be put. We may use our armed strength to secure concessions in
China or Mexico, to "punish" small nations, to enter the balance of
power of Europe or to aid in the promotion of international peace. We
may use our strength wisely or unwisely, for good or for ill. We began
to arm before we knew for what we were arming, before we had a national
policy, before we knew what we wanted or how to get it. Our problem
to-day is to determine upon that policy, to create out of the
constituent elements forming American public opinion a national policy,
determined by our situation and needs, limited by our power, and in
conformity with our ideals. It is the problem of adjusting American
policy to the central fact of international conflict and war.

As we approach this problem we discover that the two great elements in
our population tend to pull in contrary directions. In the question of
defence the one instinctively follows the lead of European nations,
piling up {11} armies and navies and attempting to make us the most
formidable power in the world; the second seeks by understandings with
other nations to prevent disagreements and to avert wars. The first
group emphasises American rights on "land and sea," the property rights
of Americans, our financial interests in backward countries, and the
military force necessary to secure our share; the second thinks of
establishing international relations in which such rights may be
secured to all nations without the constant threat of force. Both of
these elements are national in the sense that they desire to preserve
the country's interest, but while the first group envisages such
interest as separate and distinct from others, to be defended for
itself alone as a lawyer defends his client, the other sees the
national interest in relation to the interests of other nations and
seeks to secure international arrangements by which conflicting claims
can be adjusted. The first element lays stress upon the legalistic
attitude, upon our honour, our rights, our property; the second is less
jingoistic, less aggressive, less jealous in honour.

Which of these two elements in our population will secure the
ascendency and dictate our foreign policy, or which will contribute
more largely to the decision, will be determined chiefly by the course
of our internal evolution and especially by our economic development.
Whether we are to go into international affairs to get