rohibited_." To understand the cunning wickedness of this clause, it
must be recollected that Congress was to have power to regulate foreign
commerce, and commerce between the States; and hence it might, at a
future time, suppress both the foreign and domestic commerce in human
flesh, or it might burden this commerce with duties. Hence this artfully
expressed perpetual restriction on the power of Congress to interfere
with the traffic in human beings. As this grand scheme was concocted in
the committee, and not in the Convention, it may be interesting to
inquire into its paternity.

In the debates which ensued on this clause, Mr. Ellsworth, one of the
committee who reported it, "was for leaving the clause as it now stands.
_Let every State import what it pleases._ The morality or wisdom of
slavery are considerations belonging to the States themselves. _What
enriches a part enriches the whole_, and the States are the best judges
of their particular interests. The old Confederation had not _meddled_
with this point, and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing
it within the policy of the new one." "As slaves multiply so fast in
Virginia and Maryland that it is _cheaper_ to raise than to import them,
whilst in the _sickly_ rice-swamps foreign supplies are _necessary_, if
we go no farther than is urged [a proposal to permit the trade for a
limited time], we shall be unjust towards South Carolina and Georgia.
Let us not intermeddle." (_Madison Papers_, pp. 1389, 1391.) This
gentleman was one of your "very wise men"; and his mantle has recently
fallen upon other wise men from the East. Mr. Wilson, another member of
the committee, objected. "All articles imported," said he, "are to be
taxed; slaves alone are exempt. This is, in fact, a bounty on that
article." The clause was referred to another committee, who modified it,
by limiting the restriction to 1800. It was moved to guarantee the
slave-trade for twenty years, by postponing the restriction to 1808.
This motion was _seconded_ by Mr. Gorham, another member of the
committee. Mr. Randolph, also of the committee, was against the
slave-trade, and opposed to any restriction on the power of Congress to
suppress it. Two of the committee, then, we find, were against the
trade, and three, Messrs. Rutledge, Ellsworth, and Gorham, for
perpetuating it. And now, Sir, what were the inducements which prevailed
on the two wise men from the East to yield their consent to a
propos