nes communal
proprietorship of land, and partly or wholly substitutes for it either
the unqualified proprietorship of an absolute conqueror, or
proprietorship by a conqueror, qualified by the claims of vassals
holding it under certain conditions, while their claims are in turn
qualified by those of dependents attached to the soil. The
individualisation of ownership extended and made more definite by
trading transactions under contract, eventually affects the ownership of
land. Bought and sold by measure and for money, land is assimilated in
this respect to the personal property produced by labour, but there is
reason to suspect that while possession of such things will grow more
sacred, the inhabited area which cannot be produced by labour will
eventually be distinguished as something which may not be privately
possessed.

THE INDUSTRIAL TYPE OF SOCIETY

The traits of the industrial type of society are so hidden by those of
the still dominant militant type that its nature is nowhere more than
very partially exemplified. The industrial type is distinguished from
the militant type as being not both positively regulated and negatively
regulated, but as being negatively regulated only. To the member of the
industrial community authority says "Thou shalt not," and not "Thou
shalt." On turning to the civilised to observe the form of individual
character which accompanies the industrial form of society, we encounter
the difficulty that the personal traits proper to industrialism are,
like the social traits, mingled with those proper to militancy.
Nevertheless, on contrasting the characters of our ancestors during more
warlike periods with our own characters, we see that, with an increasing
ratio of industrialism to militancy, have come a growing independence, a
less marked loyalty, a smaller faith in governments, and a more
qualified patriotism; and while there has been shown a strengthening
assertion of individuality there has accompanied it a growing respect
for the individualities of others, as is implied by the diminution of
aggressions upon them, and the multiplication of efforts for their
welfare. It seems needful to explain that it is not so much that a
social life passed in peaceful occupations is positively moralising, as
that a social life passed in war is positively demoralising. The
sacrifice of others to self is in the one incidental only; while in the
other it is necessary.

POLITICAL PROSPECT

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