he result
desired? Certainly not. All these were simply declarations of a
purpose to secede. Their secession, if it ever took place, certainly
could not date from the time when their intention to secede was first
announced. They proceeded to sustain their purpose of secession by
arms against the force which the United States brought to bear against
them. Were their arms victorious? If they were, then their secession
was an accomplished fact. If not, it was nothing more than an abortive
attempt--a purpose unfulfilled. They failed to maintain their ground
by force of arms. In other words, they failed to secede."
Mr. Raymond's speech was listened to with profound attention, and
evoked the high compliment of frequent interruptions from leading men
on the Republican side of the House. Messrs. Schenck, Bingham and
Spalding of Ohio, Mr. Jenckes of Rhode Island, and Mr. Kelley of
Pennsylvania, all put pointed questions and were at once answered with
undoubted tact and cleverness. Mr. Raymond was helped to a specious
point by Mr. Niblack of Indiana, of which he made prompt and vigorous
use, to the effect that the theory of Mr. Stevens, if carried to its
legitimate consequences, would make those who resisted the Confederacy
in the insurrectionary states guilty of treason to that power; and that
therefore "we would be unable to talk of loyal men in the South. Loyal
to what? Loyal to a foreign and independent power, which the gentleman
from Pennsylvania was really maintaining the Confederacy for the
time being to represent."
Immediately after the recess the Reconstruction debate was resumed, and
an able speech made by Mr. Spalding of Ohio, reviewing the subject
generally rather than specifically replying to Mr. Raymond.
Representing one of the districts of the Western Reserve (the most
radical section of the United States), it is interesting to see what
Mr. Spalding declared would be satisfactory to the mass of his
constituents as conditions precedent to the re-admission of the rebel
States. He laid down five requirements: _First_, "to give a qualified
right of suffrage to the freedmen in the District of Columbia;"
_second_, to "so amend the Constitution of the United States that
people of color shall not be counted with the population in making up
the ratio of representation in Congress, except in those States where
they are permitted to exercise the elective franchise;" _third_, "to
insert a provision in the Con
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