ly decline such a reward for the sort of attack which was
popular in the days of the old Machiavelli.

HENDRIK WILLEM VAN LOON.

New York, Feb. 26, 1915.

[Illustration]

Hungary After the War

By a Correspondent of The London Times

[From The London Times, Jan. 20, 1915.]

The allied powers are agreed that the European resettlement must be
inspired by the principle of nationality. It will be but just if Hungary
suffers severely from its application, for during the past forty years
no European Government has sinned so deeply and persistently against
that principle as has her Magyar Government. The old Hungary, whose name
and history are surrounded by the glamour of romance, was not the modern
"Magyarland." Its boasted constitutional liberties were, indeed,
confined to the nobles, and the "Hungarian people" was composed, in the
words of Verboeczy's Tripartitum Code, of "prelates, barons, and other
magnates, also all nobles, but not commoners." But the nobles of all
Hungarian races rallied to the Hungarian banner, proud of the title of
civis hungaricus. John Hunyadi, the national hero, was a Rumane; Zrinyi
was a Croat, and many another paladin of Hungarian liberty was a
non-Magyar. Latin was the common language of the educated. But with the
substitution of Magyar for Latin during the nineteenth century, and with
the growth of what is called the "Magyar State Idea," with its
accompaniment of Magyar Chauvinism, all positive recognition of the
rights and individuality of non-Magyar races gradually vanished.

The Magyar language itself is incapable of expressing the difference
between "Hungarian" and "Magyar." The difference is approximately the
same as between "British" and "English." The "Magyar State" set itself
to Magyarize education and every feature of public life. Any protest was
treated as "incitement against the Magyar State Idea" and was made
punishable by two years' imprisonment. It was as though a narrow-minded
English Administration should set itself to obliterate all traces of
Scottish, Welsh, and Irish national feeling; or as though the Government
of India should ignore the existence of all save one race and language
in our great dependency.

In comparison with the Government of "Magyarland," the Government of
Austria was a model of tolerance. In Austria, Poles and Ruthenes,
Czechs, Germans, Italians, Serbo-Croatians, and Slovenes were entitled
to the public use of their own languages and enj