e powers. Italy naturally desires to
acquire the valuable Italian portions of Austria-Hungary on her borders,
and Rumania the very extensive Rumanian parts of the Dual Monarchy
adjoining that kingdom. To both powers it would be disastrous if
Austria-Hungary should make peace before they had staked out their
claims by militarily occupying the territory which they covet. Both
States may therefore be expected to abandon their neutrality and to
invade Austria-Hungary without delay as soon as they hear that that
country seriously contemplates entering upon peace negotiations; it
follows that if Austria-Hungary wishes to withdraw from the stricken
field she must open negotiations with the utmost secrecy and conclude
them with the utmost speed. It is clear that if Italy and Rumania should
be given the much desired opportunity of joining the Entente powers,
the Dual Monarchy would lose not only Polish Galicia and Serbian Bosnia
and Herzegovina but Rumanian Transylvania and the Banat, with about
5,000,000 inhabitants, and the largely Italian Trentino, Istria, and
Dalmatia, with at least 1,000,000 people, as well. These vast losses
would probably lead to the total dismemberment of the State, for the
remaining subject nationalities would also demand their freedom.
Self-preservation is the first law and the first duty of individuals and
of States. It is therefore conceivable, and is indeed only logical, that
Austria-Hungary will conclude overnight a separate peace. If she should
take that wise and necessary step, isolated Germany would either have to
give up the unequal struggle or fight on single-handed. In the latter
case, her defeat would no doubt be rapid. It seems, therefore, quite
possible that the end of the war may be as sudden as was its beginning.
Hence, the consideration of the Polish question seems not only useful
but urgent....

From the very beginning Prussia, Austria, and Russia treated Poland as a
corpus vile, and cut it up like a cake, without any regard to the
claims, the rights, and the protests of the Poles themselves. Although
history only mentions three partitions, there were in reality seven.
There were those of 1772, 1793, and 1795, already referred to; and these
were followed by a redistribution of the Polish territories in 1807,
1809, and 1815. In none of these were the inhabitants consulted or even
considered. The Congress of Vienna established the independence of
Cracow, but Austria-Hungary, asserting th