nce 1864 unite in demonstrating that necessity.

Again, the war has already demonstrated that colonies or colonial
possessions in remote parts of the world are not a source of strength to
a European nation when at war, unless that nation is strong on the
seas. Affiliated Commonwealths may be a support to the mother country,
but colonies held by force in exclusive possession are not. Great
Britain learned much in 1775 about the management of colonies, and again
she learned in India that the policy of exploitation, long pursued by
the East India Company, had become undesirable from every point of view.
As the strongest naval power in the world, Great Britain has given an
admiral example of the right use of power in making the seas and harbors
of the world free to the mercantile marine of all the nations with which
she competes. Her free-trade policy helped her to wise action on the
subject of commercial extension. Nevertheless, the other commercial
nations, watching the tremendous power in war which Great Britain
possesses through her wide, though not complete, control of the oceans,
will rejoice when British control, though limited and wisely used, is
replaced by an unlimited international control. This is one of the most
valuable lessons of the great war.

Another conviction is strongly impressed upon the commercial nations of
the world by the developments of seven months of extensive fighting by
land and sea, namely, the importance of making free to all nations the
Kiel Canal and the passage from the Black Sea to the Aegean. So long as
one nation holds the Dardanelles and the Bosporus, and another nation
holds the short route from the Baltic to the North Sea, there will be
dangerous restrictions on the commerce of the world--dangerous in the
sense of provoking to war, or of causing sores which develop into
malignant disease. Those two channels should be used for the common
benefit of mankind, just as the Panama Canal or the Suez Canal is
intended to be. Free seas, free inter-ocean canals and straits, the
"open door," and free competition in international trade are needed
securities for peace.

These lessons of the war are as plain now as they will be after six
months or six years more fighting. Can the belligerent nations--and
particularly Germany--take them to heart now, or must more millions of
men be slaughtered and more billions of human savings be consumed
before these teachings of seven fearful months be accept