ground in
plotting for the dismemberment of the Union--in connection with which
the Count of Paris does me the honor to single out my name for special
mention--it is a charge so dishonorable, if true, to its object--so
disgraceful, if false, to its author--as to be outside of the proper
limit of discussion. It is a charge which no accuser ever made in my
presence, though I had in public debate more than once challenged its
assertion and denounced its falsehood. It is enough to say that I always
held, and repeatedly avowed, the principle that a Senator in Congress
occupied the position of an ambassador from the State which he
represented to the Government of the United States, as well as in some
sense a member of the Government; and that, in either capacity, it would
be dishonorable to use his powers and privileges for the destruction or
for the detriment of the Government to which he was accredited. Acting
on this principle, as long as I held a seat in the Senate, my best
efforts were directed to the maintenance of the Constitution, the Union
resulting from it, and to make the General Government an effective agent
of the States for its prescribed purpose. As soon as the paramount
allegiance due to Mississippi forbade a continuance of these efforts, I
withdrew from the position. To say that during this period I did nothing
secretly, in conflict with what was done or professed openly, would be
merely to assert my own integrity, which would be worthless to those who
may doubt it, and superfluous to those who believe in it. What has been
said on the subject for myself, I believe to be also true of my Southern
associates in Congress.

With regard to the forts, arsenals, etc., something more remains to be
said. The authorities of the Southern States immediately after, and in
some cases a few days before, their actual secession, took possession
(in every instance without resistance or bloodshed) of forts, arsenals,
custom-houses, and other public property within their respective limits.
I do not propose at this time to consider the question of their right to
do so; that may be more properly done hereafter. But it may not be out
of place briefly to refer to the statement, often made, that the absence
of troops from the military posts in the South, which enabled the States
so quietly to take such possession, was the result of collusion and
prearrangement between the Southern leaders and the Federal Secretary of
War, John B. Floy