accept the commission because the resignation of the government was not
contained in it, while he was sure that the enemy would enter into no
negotiations with him, so long as Kossuth and his ministry were thought
to be behind him. The ministers who were present, after a short
deliberation, considering it to be their duty not to stand in the way of
the negotiation which had been resolved on as necessary, accordingly
sent their resignation to the governor, _whom they requested to resign
as well_. The governor soon after sent his abdication for
countersignature by these members of the ministry, and accordingly the
government formally dissolved itself, after having done so _de
facto_ in the previous council of ministers. I must mention the
circumstance that _in the governor's instrument of abdication
conditions were proscribed to Goergei, which were not inserted in the
original instrument of authorization, issued by the full council_.
These conditions were, the preservation of the nationality and the
autonomy of Hungary. Four ministers took part in this resignation of the
governor, as above stated, Aulich, Csanyi, Horvath, and I. Two of the
ministers, Szemere and [Casimir] Bathyanyi, were absent when the formal
declaration of the abdication was discussed at Csanyi's residence. I
have not mentioned among the ministers our late colleague, the finance
minister Dushek, because his treachery, which was afterwards brought to
light, excludes him from our ranks. From all these circumstances, it
will be manifest how unjust the reproaches of Count Casimir Bathyanyi
are, that no new cabinet council was held.

It is notorious that Goergei abused the full powers with which he was
entrusted, instead of procuring the preservation of Hungary by a
negotiation for peace, by an ignominious treachery to his native
country. From that very moment the power conferred on him by the
above-mentioned instrument, and the conditional abdication of the
government, consequently and legally reverted to him who had invested
him with it. To deny this, would be to recognize in the foreign rule
which crushed Hungary, in consequence of that treachery, legitimate
right and lawful power.

I, however, perfectly agree with the noble count, that the nation, once
more restored to its constitutional existence, and free from foreign
yoke, will have the unlimited right to dispose of all the affairs of the
country, and consequently of the executive power. To assert a