deeds; had seen that the
rebels were everywhere led by Imperial officers; and finally beheld
Jellachich, a high functionary of the Hungarian Crown, invade the
country at the head of an Austro-Croatian army. It was then, and not
till then, that the nation cried, as with one voice--_the King is a
traitor_. From that day began the Hungarian revolution. On that day
the monarchical feeling was extinguished. What no one had thought it
possible to accomplish was accomplished by the dynasty itself.

* * * * *

APPENDIX III.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Daily News,' in
February, 1852, by a_, "HUNGARIAN EXILE," _in reply to a Letter
from_ SZEMERE, _to the 'London Examiner_.'

[I am personally acquainted with the accomplished and intelligent
"Exile;" but as he is absent from England, I cannot obtain permission to
publish his name.]

It was more than two months after the civil war had been raging in the
Banat and Transylvania that the question of giving fresh troops for the
suppression of the Italian war was brought before the Assembly at Pesth,
July 22, 1846. Now, what are the accusations M. Szemere brings forth
against Kossuth in reference to the Italian question? The pith of M.
Szemere's reasoning is, that the ministry agreed, in the protocol of
July 5, upon construing the Pragmatic Sanction as binding Hungary to
protect the integrity of Austria; "yet that Kossuth, as the organ of the
ministry, spoke in a way as if he did not approve of the policy, and
sought to make the public believe that the protocol was merely a moral
demonstration:" further, that when the opposition denied the obligation
of Hungary to defend Austria, the ministry refused to enter into any
discussion on an acknowledged principle of constitutional law.

In order to show the utter hollowness of this attack, it may be
sufficient to look at the date and circumstances M. Szemere talks of.
The protocol in question was agreed upon on July 5th, the day when the
parliament met to provide for the defence of the country. The members,
inexperienced in foreign politics and ignorant of the cabals of courts,
although presuming that the civil war was kindled in Vienna, were at
first blinded by the royal convocation of the Diet to provide for the
safety of the country; putting, moreover, implicit confidence in the
sagacity and goodwill of the ministry. When however Kossuth opened the
debate on the Italian question, July 22, affairs loo