idled
democracy. Whether these views would have stood the test afforded by
the present-day militant suffragettes, I am unable to say; for from Sir
John Macdonald the knowledge that there might be something even more
disastrous than an unrestrained male democracy was mercifully withheld.

[1] See Pope's _Memoirs of Sir John Macdonald_, vol. i, p. 103.

[2] Dorion voted for the third reading of the Seigneurial Tenure Bill
and against that relating to the Clergy Reserves. Brown voted against
the third reading of both measures, and the Clear Grits and Rouges as a
body did all in their power to impede the passage of both bills.

[3] 'The great reason why I have always been able to beat Brown is that
I have been able to look a little ahead, while he could on no occasion
forgo the temptation of a temporary triumph' (Sir John A. Macdonald to
M. C. Cameron, dated Ottawa, January 3, 1872).

[4] Gladstone stoutly defended the propriety of his course, which had
the assent of his whole Cabinet, and also the approval of such great
legal authorities as Lords Selborne and Hatherley. This case of Sir
Robert Collier is almost exactly on all fours with the 'Double
Shuffle.' Gladstone did a similar thing a few months later in the
appointment of the Rev. Mr Harvey to the Rectory of Ewelme. See
Morley's _Life of Gladstone_, vol. ii, pp. 382-7. For further
explanation of the 'Double Shuffle,' see Pope's _Memoirs of Sir John
Macdonald_, vol. i, pp. 198-205.

[5] If any one should doubt the ferocity of Brown's attacks on the
Ministry, and especially upon Sir John A. Macdonald, let him turn up
the _Globe_ files for that period--more particularly the issue of
September 5, 1866, which contained an attack so violent as to call
forth a protest from so staunch an opponent of the Conservative leader
as Alexander Mackenzie. I commend also to the curious the _Globe_ of
April 30, 1870.

[6] From the Viscount Monck to Mr John A. Macdonald, dated London, May
24, 1867.

[7] Sir John Rose, dated Ottawa, February 23, 1870.

[8] Not the smallest reflection upon Sir Richard Cartwright's personal
honour is sought to be conveyed here. Sir John Macdonald himself had
been connected with the same institution for many years as shareholder,
director, and solicitor, and its failure did not compromise either of
them. At the same time, it is obvious that to appoint as Finance
minister the president of a bank which had recently closed its doors
(no