ssion, and in the consequent removal
of religious tests for undergraduates. But he took Carlyle's Latter-
Day Pamphlets for gospel, and had no faith in peace by great
Exhibitions, or progress by political reform. The war with Russia
justified the first part of his creed, and even Liberals in the
House of Commons seemed tacitly to agree with the second. To the
glorification of mere money-making, the worship of the golden calf,
the sincerest and the most fashionable of all worships, both he and
Carlyle were equally opposed. They were agreed with the Socialists
and with Ruskin in their dislike of seeing bricks and mortar
substituted for green fields, smoky chimneys for church towers,
myriads of factory hands for the rural population of England.
Carlyle still called himself a Radical, a believer in root and
branch change, but moral rather than political. His faith in
representative institutions had been shaken by reflecting that the
Long Parliament, the best ever assembled in England, would have
given up the cause of the Civil War if it had not been for Cromwell
and the army. Although he had been one of Peel's warmest supporters
in 1846, he had come to dread Liberalism as tending towards anarchy,
and he adopted the singular verbal fallacy that a low franchise
would mean a low standard of politics. Froude, though he still
called himself a Liberal, and in some respects always was so, swore
by Carlyle, acknowledged him as his master, and repeated his creed.
Carlyle had many admirers, but few disciples, and he naturally set
great value on Froude's adhesion. He had always a great contempt for
universal suffrage. It would have given, he said grimly, the same
voice in the government of Palestine to Jesus Christ and to Judas
Iscariot. But whatever might have happened to Judas, the Son of man
had not where to lay His head, and would certainly have been
excluded under any system which met the approval of Carlyle. In
Latter-Day Pamphlets Carlyle had made a tremendous attack upon
Downing Street, and the administrative deficiencies which the
Crimean campaign disclosed could be treated as confirmatory evidence
in his favour. As a matter of fact, Lord Aberdeen and Lord
Palmerston were all the same to him. He was denouncing the
Parliamentary system, which has borne up against worse Ministers
than the Duke of Newcastle. If Sebastopol had been taken after the
Alma, as it well might have been, Carlyle would not have altered his
tone. Nothing