e most difficult of all things, but also the most
indispensable); the story is not clear; or rather, as hinted above,
there is no story, but an explanation of some story supposed to be
already known, which is contrary to rule in writing 'History.' On
the whole, the Author seems to have such a conception of the subject
as were well worth a better setting forth; and if this is all he has
yet written of his Book, I could almost advise him to start afresh,
and remodel all this second chapter. This is a high demand; but the
excellence attainable by him seems also high. The rule throughout
is, that events should speak. Commentary ought to be sparing; clear
insight, definite conviction, brought about with a minimum of
Commentary; that is always the Art of History. Alter or not,
however, there is such a generous breadth of intelligence, of manly
sympathy, sound judgment, and in general of luminous solidity,
promised in this Book, that I will gladly read it, however it be put
together. Would it not be better to specify a little what Martin
Luther is about, and keep up a chronological intercourse, more or
less strict, with the great Continental ocean of Reform, the better
to understand the tides from it that ebb and flow in these Narrow
Seas? Some notice of Wiclif too I expected in some form or other.
Once more, Go on and prosper!"

The notice of Wycliffe does seem a rather unreasonable expectation,
and a history of England loses identity if it becomes a history of
Europe. But Carlyle's principles, whether he always acted upon them
himself or no, are excellent, and, though Froude's second chapter
was not quite rewritten, the effect of them may be seen in the rest
of the book.

Carlyle's influence upon Froude, which happily never extended to his
style, confirmed him in his attachment to Protestantism and his
hatred of Rome. It also accounted for much of Froude's belief in
despots. In democracy he had no faith. Manhood suffrage in England,
would, he thought, even in the wonderful year 1588, the last of his
History, have restored the Pope. This was perhaps a little
inconsistent with his theory that Henry VIII. had been popular with
all classes. Yet at least Froude could distinguish one despot from
another. He was entirely opposed, as we have seen, to the alliance
with Louis Napoleon against Russia, which culminated in the Crimean
War. Otherwise his sympathy with Liberalism was chiefly academic. He
rejoiced in the University Commi