bill. A new
evidence of how devotedly he wishes to avert any deadly blows from
slavery,--this national shame.

The Congress adjourned after having done everything good, and what was
in its power. It separated, leaving the country's cause in a worse
condition than it was a year ago, after the Bull Run day. Many, nay,
almost all the best members of both houses are fully aware in what
hands they left the destinies of the nation. Many went away with
despair in their hearts; but the constitutional formula makes it
impossible for them to act, and to save what so badly needs a savior.

Intervention fever again. The worst intervention is perpetrated at
home by imbeciles, by intriguers, by traitors, and by the--spades.

Mr. Dicey, an Englishman who travelled or travels in this
country,--Mr. D. is the first among his countrymen who understands the
events here, and who is just toward the true American people;--Mr. D.
truly says that the people fight without a general, and without a
statesman, and are the more to be admired for it.

Mr. Seward tries to appear grand before the foreign diplomats, and
talks about Cromwell, Louis Napoleon, _coup d'Etats_ against the
Congress, and about his regrets to be in the impossibility to imitate
them. Only think, Cromwell, Napoleon I., Napoleon III., Seward! Such
dictatorial dreams may explain Mr. Seward's partiality for General
McClellan, whom Seward may perhaps wish to use as Louis Napoleon used
Gen. St. Arnoud.

Halleck is to be the American Carnot. But any change is an
improvement. If Halleck extricates the army on the James river, and
saves it from malaria,--this enemy more deadly than Jackson and
McClellan combined,--then for this single action Halleck deserves well
of the country, and his Corinth affair will, at least in part, be
atoned for.

Mr. Lincoln makes a new effort to save his _mammy_, and tries to
neutralize the confiscation bill. Mr. Lincoln will not make a step
beyond what is called the Border-States' policy; and it may prove too
late when he will decide to honestly execute the law of Congress. Mr.
Seward gets into hysterics at the hateful name of Congress. Similar
spite he showed to a delegation from the city of New York, upbraiding
some of its members, and assuring them that delegations are not
needed,--that the administration is fully up to the task. Yes, Stanton
is, but how about some others?

Poor Mr. Lincoln! he must stand all the mutual puffs of Seward and
Sand