whatever may be the
contrary assertions of his adulators, such as an Adams, a Sandford, a
Weed, a Bigelow, a Hughes, and others. When Mr. Seward proudly
unveiled this his programme, a foreign diplomat suggested that the
Congress may not accept it. Mr. Seward retorted that he cares not for
Congress; that he will appeal to the people, who are totally
indifferent to the abolition of slavery.

Why does Mr. Seward deliberately slander the American people, and this
before foreign diplomats, whose duty it is to report all Mr. Seward's
words to their respective governments? Such words uttered by Mr.
Seward justify the assertions of Lord John Russell, of Gladstone,
those true and high-minded friends of human liberty, that the North
fights for empire and not for a principle. The people who will answer
to Mr. Seward's appeal will be those whose creed is that of the New
York Herald, the Boston Courier, the people of the Fernando and Ben
Woods, of the Vallandighams, etc.

What is the use of urging on the foreign Cabinets--above all, England
and France--to rescind the recognition of belligerents? They cannot
do it. It does not much--nay, not any--harm, as the English
speculators will risk to run the blockade if the rebels are
belligerent or not. And besides, the English and French Cabinets may
throw in Mr. Seward's face the decisions of our own prize courts, who,
on the authority of Mr. Seward's blockade, in their judicial
decisions, treat the rebels as belligerents. The European statesmen
are more cautious and more consequential in their acts than is our
Secretary.

As it stands now, the conduct of the English government is very
correct, and not to be complained of. I do not speak of the infamous
articles in the Times, Herald, etc., or of the Gregories and such
scums as the Roebucks; but I am satisfied that Lord John Russell
wishes us no harm, and that it is our own policy which confuses and
makes suspicious such men as Russell, Gladstone, and others of the
better stamp.

As for the armaments of secesh vessels in Liverpool and the Bahamas,
it is so perfectly in harmony with the English mercantile character
that it is impossible for the government to stop it.

The English merchant generally considers it as a lawful enterprise to
run blockades; in the present case the premium is immense; it is so in
a twofold manner. 1st, the immediate profits on the various cargoes
exchanged against each other by a successful running of the bl