ander Baring,
whose general attitude towards the United States was friendly, wrote
to Gallatin, October 12, 1813, "We wish for peace, but the pressure of
the war upon our commerce and manufactures is over. They have ample
relief in other quarters; indeed, the dependence of the two countries
on each other was overrated." He was positive that there would be no
concession on impressment. Again, on December 14, "The pressure of
the war is diminished. Commerce is now abundantly prosperous."[484]
Gallatin himself had occasion to spend some time in London during the
succeeding spring,--1814. Quotation from his observations has been
made already.[485] In a letter of April 21,--after Napoleon's
abdication,--"The prosecution of war with the United States would
afford a convenient pretext for preserving a more considerable
standing force."[486] This would be a useful element in the
troublesome diplomacy to be foreseen, in settling the disturbed
affairs of Europe; and the Government stood in need of reasons for
maintaining the pressure of taxation, which was already eliciting, and
later in the year still more elicited, symptoms of great discontent
and dangerous Parliamentary opposition. Yet in its conduct towards
America the Cabinet had the people behind it. Two months later,
Gallatin wrote to the Secretary of State, "You may rest assured of the
general hostile spirit of this nation, and of its wish to inflict
serious injury on the United States; that no assistance can be
expected from Europe; and that no better terms will be obtained than
the _status ante bellum_."[487]

At the time of this writing, June 13, the British Foreign Secretary,
Lord Castlereagh, returned from Paris, where he had been spending the
two months succeeding the first abdication of Napoleon. During this
period formal peace with France had been established, and the Bourbons
reseated on her throne. His instructions to the British commissioners
at Ghent, issued July 28, were framed on lines which showed
consciousness of mastery.[488] The question of abandoning the
practice of impressment would not be so much as entertained. The Rule
of 1756 should "rest on its own clear and well established
authority."[489] The commissioners were not even to discuss it.
Equally decisive was the position taken with regard to questions of
irregular blockades, and of compensation for seizures under the Orders
in Council. When these were presented by the American commissioners,
the