ion of an unspeakably bloody and world-historic conflict. But
this expression in very pregnant form makes Russia appear in the light
in which the London powers-that-be desire to show the empire of the Czar
to the British people, viz., in the role of the noble-hearted protector
of persecuted innocence, while Germany, supporting and egging on
Austria-Hungary, is shown as morally responsible for the war.

Cites English Documents.

This, also, is the chain of thought in the speech of the British Prime
Minister in the House of Commons on Aug. 4. Translations of this speech
have been spread by the British Government in neutral countries in
hundreds of thousands of copies under the title: "The Power Responsible
for War Is Germany."

Now, we claim that the British "White Paper" itself furnishes
irrefutable proof that not Germany, which up to the last moment offered
the hand of mediation, but Russia is responsible for the war, and that
the Foreign Office at London was fully cognizant of this fact.

Furthermore, the "White Paper" shows that England's claim that she
entered this war solely as a protector of the small nations is a fable.

The documents reproduced in the "White Paper" do not begin until July
20, and only a few introductory dispatches before the 24th are given.
The first of the very important reports of the British Ambassador at St.
Petersburg, Sir George Buchanan, to the Secretary of State, Grey, is
dated on that day; on the same day the note addressed by Austria-Hungary
to the Servian Government had been brought to the knowledge of the
European Cabinets, and the British Ambassador conferred with the Russian
Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Sazonof, over this matter. The French
Minister also took part in this conference. When the latter and M.
Sazonof, in the most insistent way, tried to prove to Buchanan that
England, together with Russia and France, must assume a threatening
attitude toward Austria-Hungary and Germany, the British Ambassador
replied:

I said that I would telegraph a full report to you of what their
Excellencies had just said to me. I could not, of course, speak in
the name of his Majesty's Government, but personally I saw no
reason to expect any declaration of solidarity from his Majesty's
Government that would entail an unconditional engagement on their
part to support Russia and France by force of arms. Direct British
interests in Servia were nil, and a wa