owledge, that besides the revenue
settled on his Majesty's civil list to the amount of 800,000_l._ a year,
he has a farther aid from a large pension list, near 90,000_l._ a year,
in Ireland; from the produce of the duchy of Lancaster (which we are
told has been greatly improved); from the revenue of the duchy of
Cornwall; from the American quit-rents; from the four and a half per
cent duty in the Leeward Islands; this last worth to be sure
considerably more than 40,000_l._ a year. The whole is certainly not
much short of a million annually.

These are revenues within the knowledge and cognizance of our national
councils. We have no direct right to examine into the receipts from his
Majesty's German dominions, and the bishopric of Osnaburg. This is
unquestionably true. But that which is not within the province of
Parliament, is yet within the sphere of every man's own reflection. If
a foreign prince resided amongst us, the state of his revenues could not
fail of becoming the subject of our speculation. Filled with an anxious
concern for whatever regards the welfare of our sovereign, it is
impossible, in considering the miserable circumstances into which he has
been brought, that this obvious topic should be entirely passed over.
There is an opinion universal, that these revenues produce something not
inconsiderable, clear of all charges and establishments. This produce
the people do not believe to be hoarded, nor perceive to be spent. It is
accounted for in the only manner it can, by supposing that it is drawn
away, for the support of that court faction, which, whilst it distresses
the nation, impoverishes the prince in every one of his resources. I
once more caution the reader, that I do not urge this consideration
concerning the foreign revenue, as if I supposed we had a direct right
to examine into the expenditure of any part of it; but solely for the
purpose of showing how little this system of favoritism has been
advantageous to the monarch himself; which, without magnificence, has
sunk him into a state of unnatural poverty; at the same time that he
possessed every means of affluence, from ample revenues, both in this
country, and in other parts of his dominions.

Has this system provided better for the treatment becoming his high and
sacred character, and secured the king from those disgusts attached to
the necessity of employing men who are not personally agreeable? This is
a topic upon which for many reasons I c