ay, as our colonies do; that is, as the servant of a wise
and indulgent master, and no otherwise. We have all, except the
_peculium_; without which even slaves will not labor.

If the author's principles, which are the common notions, be right, that
the price of our manufactures is so greatly enhanced by our taxes; then
the Americans already pay in that way a share of our impositions. He is
not ashamed to assert, that "France and China may be said, on the same
principle, to bear a part of our charges, for they consume our
commodities."[90] Was ever such a method of reasoning heard of? Do not
the laws absolutely confine the colonies to buy from us, whether foreign
nations sell cheaper or not? On what other idea are all our
prohibitions, regulations, guards, penalties, and forfeitures, framed?
To secure to us, not a commercial preference, which stands in need of no
penalties to enforce it; it finds its own way; but to secure to us a
trade, which is a creature of law and institution. What has this to do
with the principles of a foreign trade, which is under no monopoly, and
in which we cannot raise the price of our goods, without hazarding the
demand for them? None but the authors of such measures could ever think
of making use of such arguments.

Whoever goes about to reason on any part of the policy of this country
with regard to America, upon the mere abstract principles of government,
or even upon those of our own ancient constitution, will be often
misled. Those who resort for arguments to the most respectable
authorities, ancient or modern, or rest upon the clearest maxims, drawn
from the experience of other states and empires, will be liable to the
greatest errors imaginable. The object is wholly new in the world. It is
singular; it is grown up to this magnitude and importance within the
memory of man; nothing in history is parallel to it. All the reasonings
about it, that are likely to be at all solid, must be drawn from its
actual circumstances. In this new system a principle of commerce, of
artificial commerce, must predominate. This commerce must be secured by
a multitude of restraints very alien from the spirit of liberty; and a
powerful authority must reside in the principal state, in order to
enforce them. But the people who are to be the subjects of these
restraints are descendants of Englishmen; and of a high and free spirit.
To hold over them a government made up of nothing but restraints and
penalties, a