mall island and a coaling-place, they
contracted for an empire. The treaty of settlement was looked upon by
our representatives as a stroke of state. When the negotiations were
consummated and the treaties signed and delivered, Mr. Livingston said:
"We have lived long, and this is the fairest work of our lives. The
treaty we have just signed will transform a vast wilderness into
a flourishing country. From this day the United States becomes a
first-class power. The articles we have signed will produce no tears,
but ages of happiness for countless human beings." Time has verified
these expressions. At the same period, the motives and sentiment of
Bonaparte were bodied forth in the sentence: "I have given to England a
maritime rival that will sooner or later humble her pride."

The acquisition was received with merited and general applause. Few
objections were made. The only strenuous opposition arose from some
Federalists, who could see no good in any act of the Jeffersonian
administration, however meritorious it might be. Out of the territory
thus acquired have been carved Louisiana, Missouri, Kansas, Arkansas,
Nebraska, Iowa, North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and the largest
portion of Minnesota, Wyoming, and Colorado. They now form the central
section of the United States, and are the homes of millions and the
sources of countless wealth.

It is possible here to notice but briefly the vast and permanent
political and economical consequences to the United States of this
purchase. The party which performed this service came into power as the
maintainer of voluntary union. The soul of the strict construction party
was Thomas Jefferson. Inclined to French ideas, he had been for several
years previous to the founding of our Constitution imbibing their
extreme doctrines. No sooner did he return than he discerned, with the
keen glance of genius, what passed Hamilton and Adams unobserved, the
key to the popular fancy. He knew precisely where the strength of
the Federalists lay, and by what means alone that strength could be
overpowered.

Coming into office as the champion of "State-rights and strict
construction," it was beyond his power to give theoretical affirmance to
this transcendent act of his agents. His own words reveal his anomalous
situation: "The Constitution has made no provision for our holding
foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign nations into our
Union. The executive, in seizing the fugi