f, relinquishing the ground we have stood on so long, and stood on
so safely we now proclaim independence, and carry on the war for that
object, while these cities burn, these pleasant fields whiten and bleach
with the bones of their owners, and these streams run blood. It will be
upon us, it will be upon us, if, failing to maintain this unseasonable
and ill-judged declaration, a sterner despotism, maintained by military
power, shall be established over our posterity, when we ourselves, given
up by an exhausted, a harassed, a misled people, shall have expiated our
rashness and atoned for our presumption on the scaffold."

It was for Mr. Adams to reply to arguments like these. We know his
opinions, and we know his character. He would commence with his
accustomed directness and earnestness.

"'Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand and my
heart to this vote. It is true, indeed, that in the beginning we aimed
not at independence. But there's a divinity which shapes our ends. The
injustice of England has driven us to arms; and, blinded to her own
interest for our good, she has obstinately persisted, till independence
is now within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and it is
ours. Why, then, should we defer the declaration? Is any man so weak as
now to hope for reconciliation with England, which shall leave either
safety to the country and its liberties, or safety to his own life and
his own honor? Are not you, sir, who sit in that chair, is not he, our
venerable colleague near you, are you not both already the proscribed
and predestined objects of punishment and of vengeance? Cut off from all
hope of royal clemency, what are you, what can you be, while the power
of England remains, but outlaws? If we postpone independence, do we mean
to carry on, or to give up the war? Do we mean to submit to the measures
of parliament, Boston Port Bill and all? Do we mean to submit, and
consent that we ourselves shall be ground to powder, and our country and
its rights trodden down in the dust? I know we do not mean to submit. We
never shall submit. Do we intend to violate that most solemn obligation
ever entered into by men, that plighting, before God, of our sacred
honor to Washington, when, putting him forth to incur the dangers of
war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to
adhere to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes and our lives?
I know there is not a man here, who woul