poken upon that subject. Wisconsin and Connecticut,
Northern, loyal, and Republican States, have recently declared that
they would not allow the negroes within their own borders political
rights; and is it probable that of the thirty-six States, more than
six, at the most, would at this time adopt the constitutional
amendment proposed by the gentleman?"

Notwithstanding the temporary darkness of the political sky, Mr.
Williams saw brilliant prospects before the country. "This nation,"
said he, "is to live and not die. God has written it among the shining
decrees of destiny. Inspired by this hope and animated by this faith,
we will take this country through all its present troubles and perils
to the promised land of perfect unity and peace, where freedom,
equality, and justice, the triune and tutelar deity of the American
Republic, will rule with righteousness a nation 'whose walls shall be
salvation and whose gates praise.'"

At the close of this speech, the Senate being about to proceed to a
vote upon the pending amendment, it was proposed to defer action and
adjourn the question over to the following day, for the purpose of
affording an opportunity for speeches by Senators who were not
prepared to proceed immediately. Mr. Fessenden, who had the measure in
charge, protested against the delays of the Senate. "This subject,"
said he, "has dragged along now for nearly two weeks. If members
desire to address the Senate, they must be prepared to go on and do so
without a postponement from day to day for the purpose of allowing
every gentleman to make his speech in the morning, and then adjourning
early every evening. We shall never get through in that way. I give
notice to gentlemen that I shall begin to be a little more
quarrelsome--I do not know that it will do any good--after to-day."

On the day following, Mr. Hendricks delivered a speech of considerable
length in opposition to the constitutional amendment. After having
maintained that the proposition did not rest the right of
representation upon population, nor upon property, nor upon voters,
Mr. Hendricks inquired: "Upon what principle do Senators propose to
adopt this amendment to the Constitution? I can understand it if you
say that the States shall be represented in the House of
Representatives upon their population; I can understand it if you say
that they shall be represented upon their voters; but when you say
that one State shall have the benefit of its non-