ower, as the United States
would become under those circumstances? Certainly not. Simply disloyal
to their own Government, and deserters, or whatever you may choose to
call them, from that to which they would owe allegiance, to a foreign
and independent State.
"Now, there is another consequence of the doctrine which I shall not
dwell upon, but simply suggest. If that confederacy was an independent
Power, a separate nation, it had the right to contract debts; and we,
having overthrown and conquered that independent Power, according to
the theory of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, would become the
successors, the inheritors, of its debts and assets, and we must pay
them."
Mr. Raymond set forth his theory of the conditions and relations of
the late rebel States in the following language: "I certainly do not
think these States are to be dealt with by us as provinces--as simply
so much territory--held to us by no other ties than those of conquest.
I think we are to deal with them as States having State governments,
still subject to the jurisdiction of the Constitution and laws of the
United States, still under the constitutional control of the National
Government; and that in our dealings with them we are to be guided and
governed, not simply by our sovereign will and pleasure as conquerors,
but by the restrictions and limitations of the Constitution of the
United States, precisely as we are restrained and limited in our
dealings with all other States of the American Union."
In answer to the question how we are to deal with the late rebel
States, Mr. Raymond remarked: "I think we have a full and perfect
right to require certain conditions in the nature of guarantees for
the future, and that right rests, primarily and technically, on the
surrender we may and must require at their hands. The rebellion has
been defeated. A defeat always implies a surrender, and, in a
political sense, a surrender implies more than the transfer of the
arms used on the field of battle. It implies, in the case of civil
war, a surrender of the principles and doctrines, of all the weapons
and agencies, by which the war has been carried on. The military
surrender was made on the field of battle, to our generals, as the
agents and representatives of the Commander-in-chief of the armies of
the United States.
"Now, there must be at the end of the war, a similar surrender on the
political field of controversy. That surrender is due as an act of
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