nship marks their opinions or their acts."

After reading an extract from Curtis' History of the Constitution, Mr.
Chanler, contrasting former legislation with the present on the
subject of suffrage, said: "From the above historical statement, it
will be found that the framers of the Constitution considered the
question of suffrage of so vital importance in fixing the balance of
power between the States, that it was, after full discussion in
Congress by the whole body, referred to a select committee of one from
each State, again reported and fully discussed, and then referred to a
committee of five, whose thorough examination of the subject gave rise
to new difficulties, and caused the matter to be referred to another
committee of one member from each State. All differences were
compromised in a spirit of patriotism and justice. How different is
all this from the hasty partisan legislation on this very suffrage
question by the present Congress!

"A caucus met before Congress organized, and chalked out a line of
policy and action for the Republican party on the floor of Congress.
The whole matter of reconstruction was referred to a grinding
committee, whose dictation should govern Congress in every measure
brought before it for consideration. Is this wise, just, or
reasonable? I hold that this resolution is too narrow to be of use and
too weak to last. It will totter to an untimely grave, and hobble, a
feeble and contemptible instrument, from this Congress to every State
Legislature to which it may be submitted, to be rejected for its
feebleness in a time like this, amid the overwhelming issues which
agitate this country."

Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinois, remarked: "It is necessary, it seems to
me, that whatever constitutional provision we may make should be made
clear, manifest, certain. If possible, we should make it enforce
itself, so that by no cunningly-devised scheme or shift can they
nullify it. It seems to me that the resolution reported by the joint
Committee on Reconstruction is not so clear as it ought to be; I am
afraid that it will be worthless. A State may enact that a man shall
not exercise the elective franchise except he can read and write,
making that law apply equally to the whites and blacks, and then may
also enact that a black man shall not learn to read and write, exclude
him from their schools, and make it a penal offense to instruct or to
teach him, and thus prevent his qualifying to exercise the