is
sons for eight years into distant lands, of which he could not
pronounce the name, was alone enough to alienate him from the Austrian
Government. In hoping to find a friend in the Italian peasant,
Metternich reckoned without his host. On the other hand, he was
strictly correct in his estimate of the patriotism of the aristocracy.
The fact always seemed to the Prince a violation of eternal laws.
According to him, the fore-ordained disaffected in every country were
drawn from the middle classes. What business had noblemen with ancient
names and fine estates to prefer Spielberg to their beautiful palaces
and fairy-like villas on the Lombard lakes? Was it on purpose to spite
the best of governments, and the one most favourable to the
aristocratic principle, which had always held out paternal hands to
them? Could anything be imagined more aggravating?
This feature in Italian liberation has been kept mostly in the
background. Democratic chroniclers were satisfied to ignore it, and to
the men themselves their enormous sacrifices seemed so natural that
they were very willing to let them pass out of mind. It is in the
works of those who, while sympathising with Italy, are not Italians,
that the best record of it is to be found; nowhere better than in a
recent book by a French writer, M. Paul Bourget, in which occurs the
following just and eloquent tribute: 'We must say in praise of the
aristocracy on this side of the Alps that the best soldiers of
independence were nobles. If Italy owes the final success to the
superior capabilities of Victor Emmanuel and Cavour, and to the
agitating power of the General of the Thousand, it is well not to
forget the struggles sustained for years by gentlemen whose example
did so much to raise partisans among the humble. These aristocrats,
passionate for liberty, have (like our own of the eighteenth century)
done more for the people than the people itself. The veritable history
of this _Risorgimento_ would be in great part that of the Italian
nobility in which the heroic blood of feudal chiefs revolted against
the oppressions and, above all, the perpetual humiliation, born of the
presence of the stranger.'
When Prince Metternich looked beyond the borders of those provinces
which he said that his Sovereign did not intend to lose, he saw sooner
than most people that a ball was set rolling which would not stop half
way down the hill. The one element in the situation which came as a
surprise
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