o freedom and no discussion, except that laid down
despotically by a few men on front benches. Your assurance that
Parliament is very busy is utterly vain. It is busy on things the
dictators direct. That small men and small questions get squeezed out
among big ones, that is a normal disaster. With us, on the contrary,
it is the big questions that get squeezed out. The Party was not
allowed really to attack the South African War, for fear it should
alienate Mr. Asquith. It was not allowed to object to Mr. Herbert
Gladstone (or is it Lord Gladstone? This blaze of democracy blinds
one) when he sought to abolish the Habeas Corpus Act, and leave the
poorer sort of pickpockets permanently at the caprice of their
jailers. Parliament is busy on the aristocratic fads; and mankind
must mark time with a million stamping feet, while Mr. Herbert Samuel
searches a gutter-boy for cigarettes. That is what you call the
congestion of Parliament.

The Editor of the _Nation_ was so rash as to append to this letter
the words, "We must be stupid for we have no idea what Mr. Chesterton
means." This was too good an opening to be lost. G.K. returned to the
charge and I feel that this correspondence is so important in various
ways that the next two letters should be given in full.

Sir,

In a note to my last week's letter you remark, "We must be stupid;
but we have no idea what Mr. Chesterton means." As an old friend I
can assure you that you are by no means stupid; some other
explanation of this unnatural darkness must be found; and I find it
in the effect of that official party phraseology which I attack, and
which I am by no means alone in attacking. If I had talked about
"true Imperialism," or "our loyalty to our gallant leader," you might
have thought you knew what I meant; because I meant nothing. But I do
mean something; and I do want you to understand what I mean. I will,
therefore, state it with total dullness, in separate paragraphs; and
I will number them.

(1) I say a democracy means a State where the citizens first desire
something and then get it. That is surely simple.

(2) I say that where this is deflected by the disadvantage of
representation, it means that the citizens desire a thing and tell
the representatives to get it. I trust I make myself clear.

(3) The representatives, in order to get it at all, must have some
cont