it is; the other, preventing by the creation of a new
political system the return of the revolted States, though willing to
lay down their arms. This alternative will enable an administration to
perpetuate its power. It is a doctrine of national bankruptcy and
national ruin; it is a measure for continued military despotism over
one-third of our country, which will be the basis for military
despotism over the whole land.

Every measure to convert the war against armed rebellion into one
against private property and personal rights at the South, he
continued, has been accompanied by claims to exercise military power
in the North. The proclamation of emancipation at the South, and the
suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_ at the North; the
confiscation of private property in the seceding States, and the
arbitrary arrests, imprisonment, and banishment of the citizens of
loyal States; the claim to destroy political organization at the
South, and the armed interference by Government in local elections at
the North, have been contemporaneous events. We now find that as the
strength of rebellion is broken, new claims to arbitrary power are put
forth. More prerogatives are asserted in the hour of triumph than were
claimed in days of disaster. The war is not to be brought to an end by
the submission of States to the Constitution and their return to the
Union, but to be prolonged until the South is subjugated and accepts
such terms as may be dictated. This theory designs a sweeping
revolution and the creation of a new political system. There is but
one course, he concluded, which will now save us from such national
ruin--we must use every influence of wise statesmanship to bring back
the States which now reject their constitutional obligations. The
triumphs won by the soldiers in the field should be followed up by the
peacemaking policy of the statesmen in the Cabinet. In no other way
can we save our Union.[970]

[Footnote 970: _Public Record of Horatio Seymour_, pp. 198-212.]

Seymour's claims and portents were in amazing contrast to his proposed
measures of safety. Nevertheless he did his work well. It was his
intention clearly to develop the ultimate tendencies of the war, and,
in a paper of great power and interest, without invective or acerbity,
he did not hesitate to alarm the people respecting the jeopardy of
their own liberties. Indeed, his message had the twofold purpose of
drawing the line distinctly between Admi