s "limited to attacks
upon his superior officers."[845] The _Herald_ declared him "as arrant
an aristocrat as any Southern rebel. The slave-holder," it said, "lives
upon his plantation, which his ancestors begged, cheated, or stole
from the Indians. Wadsworth lives upon his immense Genesee farms,
which his ancestors obtained from the Indians in precisely the same
way. The slave-holder has a number of negroes who raise crops for him,
and whom he clothes, feeds, and lodges. Wadsworth has a number of
labourers on his farms, who support him by raising his crops or paying
him rent. The slave-holder, having an independent fortune and nothing
to do, joins the army, or runs for office. Wadsworth, in exactly the
same circumstances, does exactly the same thing. Wadsworth, therefore,
is quite as much an aristocrat as the slave-holder, and cares quite as
much for himself and quite as little for the people."[846] Democrats
everywhere endeavoured to limit the issue to the two opposing
candidates, claiming that Seymour, in conjunction with all
conservative men, stood for a vigorous prosecution of the war to save
the Union, while Wadsworth, desiring its prosecution for the
destruction of slavery, believed the Union of secondary consideration.

[Footnote 845: _Ibid._, Sept. 26.]

[Footnote 846: _Ibid._, Oct. 1.]

Campaign oratory, no longer softened by the absence of strict party
lines, throbbed feverishly with passion and ugly epithet. The
strategical advantage lay with Seymour, who made two speeches. Dean
Richmond, alarmed at the growing strength of the war spirit, urged him
to put more "powder" into his Brooklyn address than he used at the
ratification meeting, held in New York City on October 13; but he
declined to cater "to war Democrats," contenting himself with an
amplification of his convention speech. "God knows I love my country,"
he said; "I would count my life as nothing, if I could but save the
nation's life." He resented with much feeling Raymond's electioneering
statement that a vote for him was one for treason.[847] "Recognising at
this moment as we do," he continued, "that the destinies, the honour,
and the glory of our country hang poised upon the conflict in the
battlefield, we tender to the Government no conditional support" to
put down "this wicked and mighty rebellion." Once, briefly, and
without bitterness, he referred to the emancipation proclamation, but
he again bitterly arraigned the Administration for its