intosh
succeeded in carrying a similar measure through the British
Parliament.

In his first message Jay recommended neither the abolition of
slavery, nor the discontinuance of official changes for political
reasons, "since the best and most virtuous men," he said, "must, in
the distribution of patronage, yield to the influence of party
considerations." As the only important questions before him just then
involved the freedom of slaves and reform in the civil service, his
silence as to the one and his declaration as to the other were
certainly sufficient to allay any suspicion that he was to become a
radical reformer. He did recommend a legislative interpretation of the
Constitution relating to the governor's exclusive right to nominate to
office; but in the blandest and most complimentary words, the
Legislature invited the Governor to let well enough alone. "The
evidence of ability, integrity and patriotism," so the answer ran,
"which has been invariably afforded by your conduct in the discharge
of the variety of arduous and important trusts, authorise us to
anticipate an administration conducive to the welfare of your
constituents." This amiable answer betrayed the deft hand of Ambrose
Spencer, who, to make it sweeter and more acceptable, moved the
insertion of the word "invariably."[76] Thus ended the suggestion of a
law that might have undone the mischief of Schuyler, and prevented the
scandal and corrupt methods that obtained during the next two decades.
At least, this is the thought of a later century, when civil service
reform has sunk a tap-root into American soil, still frosty, perhaps,
yet not wholly congealed as it seems to have been one hundred years
ago.

[Footnote 76: Jabez D. Hammond, _Political History of New York_, Vol.
1, p. 97.]

Jay's administration might be called the reward days of earnest, able
men, whose meritorious service became their passport to office. Upon
the retirement in 1798 of Robert Yates and John Sloss Hobart from the
Supreme bench, he appointed James Kent and Jacob Radcliff. If Jay had
never done anything else, the appointment of Kent would immortalise
him, just as the selection of John Marshall placed a halo about the
head of President Adams. Kent, now thirty-five years old, a great
lawyer and a strong partisan, had the conservatism of Jay, and held
to the principles of Hamilton. He was making brilliant way in
politics, showing himself an administrator, a debater, and a leader