by the delicately
chiselled features in the marble, was the gift of a mother noted for
beauty as well as for the inheritance of her father's great
intellectuality. Writers never forget the large black eyes, keen and
penetrating, so irresistible to gifted and beautiful women. They came
from the Edwards side; but from whence came the absence of honour that
distinguished this son and grandson of the Princeton presidents,
tradition does not inform us.

[Footnote 117: "When the Senate met at ten o'clock on the morning of
March 4, 1801, Aaron Burr stood at the desk, and having duly sworn to
support the Constitution took his seat in the chair as Vice President.
This quiet, gentlemanly and rather dignified figure, hardly taller
than Madison, and dressed in much the same manner, impressed with
favour all who first met him. An aristocrat imbued in the morality of
Lord Chesterfield and Napoleon Bonaparte, Colonel Burr was the chosen
head of Northern democracy, idol of the wards of New York City, and
aspirant to the highest offices he could reach by means legal or
beyond the law; for, as he pleased himself with saying after the
manner of the First Consul of the French Republic, 'great souls care
little for small morals.'"--Henry Adams, _History of the United
States_, Vol. 1, p. 195.]

CHAPTER X

JOHN JAY AND DeWITT CLINTON

1800

The election that decided the contest for Jefferson, returned DeWitt
Clinton to the State Senate, and a Republican majority to the
Assembly. As soon as the Legislature met, therefore, Clinton proposed
a new Council of Appointment. Federalists shrieked in amazement at
such a suggestion, since the existing Council had served little more
than half its term. To this Republicans replied, good naturedly, that
although party conditions were reversed, arguments remained the same,
and reminded them that in 1794, when an anti-Federalist Council had
served only a portion of its term, the Federalists compelled an
immediate change. Whatever was fair for Federalists then, they argued,
could not be unfair for Republicans now. If it was preposterous, as
Josiah Ogden Hoffman had asserted, for a Council to serve out its full
term in 1794, it was preposterous for the Council of 1800 to serve out
its full term; if Schuyler was right that it was a dangerous and
unconstitutional usurpation of power for the anti-Federalist Council
to continue its sittings, it was a dangerous and unconstitutional
usurpation of po