s regarded Russia,
or too confiding. He referred to his lordship's predictions in 1832
regarding Poland. He had said, "As to the idea which is entertained
by some honourable gentlemen of its being the intention of Russia to
exterminate a large kingdom like Poland, either morally or politically,
it is so utterly impracticable that there need be no apprehension of
its ever being attempted." Since these words had been spoken, Poland
had been politically exterminated, and every exertion had been made to
exterminate her morally. On the 20th of April Mr. P. M.
Stewart brought this subject again before the house, justifying himself
for renewing the discussion on the ground that, since the last debate,
Russia had actually interfered with our commerce on the Danube.
In direct violation of treaties, he said, which declared that the
navigation of the Danube should be free to ships of all nations, Russia
had extorted tribute from British vessels passing down that river; and
she was putting a stop to the trade not merely of England, but of the
whole of central Europe on that magnificent stream, by wilful neglect to
cleanse its channel, which would soon be so filled up that a Thames
punt would not be able to cross it. Mr. Stewart moved--"That an address
should be presented to his majesty, praying him to adopt such measures
as might seem best fitted to protect and extend the commercial interests
of Great Britain in Turkey and the Euxine, and likewise to send a
diplomatic agent forthwith to the free and independent state of
Cracow." This motion was seconded by Sir Edward Codrington, who urged
the necessity of immediately arming, as an expedient which had uniformly
been successful iii checking aggression. In reply, Lord Palmerston
informed the house that government had already sent a consular agent
to Cracow, so that this part of the proposed address was unnecessary.
Government, he continued, concurred in the importance of maintaining and
extending the commercial relations of Great Britain with Turkey,
Persia, and the neighbouring countries; but, in his opinion, nothing had
happened to confine or check them. There could be no doubt that, by the
treaty of Vienna, the navigation of the Danube was free to the commerce
of all countries in Europe. We had, however, suffered no wrong as yet;
and in dealing with foreign nations, it was not prudent to anticipate
injuries at their hands: it was enough to deal with events when they
had occurred.
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