heir-apparent, after such a
determination, had the right of government, so long as that incapacity
existed; but at the same time he remarked, as Pitt agreed with him that
under present circumstances the prince was the person who ought to be
invested with the regency, he thought it would be better to abstain from
any discussion of such nice and subtle distinctions. Fox concluded, by
expressing a hope that the chancellor of the exchequer would inform
the house what course he meant to pursue, and by suggesting that a
declaration or address should be sent to the prince from parliament,
stating the fact of his majesty's present incapacity, and investing his
royal highness, during that incapacity, with the full exercise of regal
powers. In reply, Pitt declared that he still differed as much as ever
from Fox on the question of right: the Prince of Wales, he said, had no
right whatever to the regency. Upon this point they were at issue, nor
would he move a step further till the question was decided. Fox pressed
him to state what proposition he meant to make respecting the regency,
but he declared that he would not offer any point for discussion, until
the house knew whether they were sitting as judges, merely to pronounce
on the king's incapacity, or as an assembly possessing a power of
deliberation, and capable of exercising their own discretion--whether
that which should be vested in the prince was a matter of adjudication
on their part, or a trust on behalf, and in the name of his majesty.
An attempt was made in the house of lords to turn Pitt aside from his
purpose, by recommending that all discussions on the rights of the
Prince of Wales should be avoided, but Pitt, aware that a great
constitutional question was involved in the subject, still persevered
in his determination. On the 16th of December, therefore, he moved
three resolutions, the object of which was to declare that his majesty
being-prevented by indisposition from public business, it was the right
and duty of the lords, spiritual and temporal, and commons of Great
Britain, to provide the means of supplying the defect of the personal
exercise of the royal authority. In the debates which followed these
resolutions both parties put forth their whole strength. There was
a motive for this on either side. The Whigs knew, that if their
adversaries triumphed, such restrictions would be laid on the power and
patronage of the regent, as would render it impossible for them