nd nine against one hundred and sixty-three.
MOTION ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF THE MILITARY IN THE LATE RIOTS.
It must have been very clear to any unprejudiced mind, that the
employment of the military in the suppression of the London riots of the
preceding summer, so far from being premature, had not been resorted
to in time to save the city from the ravages of a lawless mob. At this
time, however, as in many preceding years, no stone was left unturned by
opposition whereby there was the remotest chance of bringing ministers
into public contempt. They were assailed at every point wherein they
were considered vulnerable; and one attack was but the precursor of
another. Mr. Brinsley Sheridan, who had made his first speech during
last November, and had won golden opinions by his oratory on that
occasion, moved three propositions: the first declaring that the
military force could not justifiably be applied in dispersing tumultuous
assemblies, without waiting for directions from civil magistrates,
unless outrages had broken out with such violence as to overcome civil
authority, and threaten the subversion of legal government; the second
affirming that the unprecedented order to the military on the 7th of
June last, afforded strong presumption of the defective state of the
police; and the third for the appointment cf a committee to inquire into
the conduct of the magistracy and civil power during the riots. Sheridan
delivered a severe philippic against the administration, which was
adorned with glowing periods, and abounded in bitter invectives; but
after a long debate, in which the government were fully vindicated from
all blame, all the motions were negatived. On this occasion, however,
Sheridan obtained the reputation of a first-rate orator, which probably
pleased him more than he would have been had his propositions received
the sanction of the house.
PETITION OF THE DELEGATES OF THE COUNTY ASSOCIATIONS.
During the stay of the delegates of the county associations in London,
they were busied in getting up meetings of their own, and in preparing a
petition to the house of commons, in which they attempted to combine all
the complaints of the nation, and all the prayers for economical and
parliamentary reform. These delegates, however, were compelled to
sign their petition merely as individual freeholders, and not in their
delegated character, inasmuch as the general sense of the house was
known to be against th
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