ng, or
dominating one another. So long as that is our conception of the
relationship of human groups we shall always stand in danger of
collision, and our schemes of association and co-operation will always
break down.

APPENDIX.

Many of the points touched upon in the last two chapters are brought out
clearly in a recent letter addressed to the Press by my friend and
colleague Mr. A.W. Haycock. In this letter to the Press he says:--

If you will examine systematically, as I have done, the comments
which have appeared in the Liberal Press, either in the form of
leading articles, or in letters from readers, concerning Lord
Roberts' speech, you will find that though it is variously
described as "diabolical," "pernicious," "wicked," "inflammatory"
and "criminal," the real fundamental assumptions on which the whole
speech is based, and which, if correct, justify it, are by
implication admitted; at any rate, in not one single case that I
can discover are they seriously challenged.

Now, when you consider this, it is the most serious fact of the
whole incident--far more disquieting in reality than the fact of
the speech itself, especially when we remember that Lord Roberts
did but adopt and adapt the arguments already used with more
sensationalism and less courtesy by Mr. Winston Churchill himself.

The protests against Lord Roberts' speech take the form of denying
the intention of Germany to attach this country. But how can his
critics be any more aware of the intentions of Germany--65 millions
of people acted upon by all sorts of complex political and social
forces--than is Lord Roberts? Do we know the intention of England
with reference to Woman's Suffrage or Home Rule or Tariff Reform?
How, therefore, can we know the intentions of "Germany"?

Lord Roberts, with courtesy, in form at least and with the warmest
tribute to the "noble and imaginative patriotism" of German policy,
assumed that that policy would follow the same general impulse that
our own has done in the past, and would necessarily follow it since
the relation between military power and national greatness and
prosperity was to-day what it always has been. In effect, Lord
Roberts' case amounts to this:--

"We have built up our Empire and our trade by virtue of the
military power of our state; we exi