y to enable him to carry out his labour."[1246] Will the
"sense of beneficence" induce men who are not satisfied with the
condition and remuneration of labour to transport milk and other
provisions during the night so that the townspeople may have them
early in the morning? Will men be induced by their sense of duty to
clean the sewers? To ask these questions is to answer them. Bebel
puts the question, "What becomes of the difference between the
industrious and the idle, the intelligent and the stupid?" and
answers, "There will be no such difference, because that which we
associate with these conceptions will have ceased to exist."[1247] "If
there is one vice more certain than another to be unpopular in a
Socialist community, it is laziness. The man who shirked would find
his mates making his position intolerable even before he suffered the
doom of expulsion."[1248] Arguments such as the above should really
not be placed before grown-up people. They are only fit for the
nursery.
The tendency towards lazing and idling, the desire to make money
without exertion, is strongly developed in Great Britain. "The essence
of gambling is the craving to obtain something from others without
giving an equivalent."[1249] Perhaps in no country is betting and
gambling in every form so much in evidence as it is in Great Britain.
Betting on the turf, missing-word competitions, limerick competitions,
&c., draw every year many millions of pounds from the pockets of
millions of British workers. How then can the natural tendency of men
to loaf and idle and to live rather by their wits than by their work,
which is strong in all men, be overcome in the Socialist State of the
future? The fundamental book of the Fabian Society, the most
scientific Socialist body in Great Britain, tells us: "A very small
share of the profits arising from associated labour acts as a
tremendous stimulus to each individual producer,"[1250] and it
suggests, as do many Socialist writers, that the workers will do their
best because they know that the more they produce the greater will be
their individual share in the general production. Great Britain has
12,000,000 workers. Therefore a worker will make as his own share an
extra sovereign if by extra exertion he succeeds in producing an
extra _12,000,000l._ worth of goods, a feat the accomplishment of
which will require several thousand years. That is a "tremendous
stimulus" to the individual producer! Can any argument
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