ve is rallying its forces under a new leader and menacing a fresh
invasion to recover its lost dominion.
Upon the issue of this threatened invasion the independence of Texas
may be considered as suspended, and were there nothing peculiar in the
relative situation of the United States and Texas our acknowledgment
of its independence at such a crisis could scarcely be regarded as
consistent with that prudent reserve with which we have heretofore
held ourselves bound to treat all similar questions.
Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to consider the risk that there might
be imputed to the United States motives of selfish interest in view of
the former claim on our part to the territory of Texas and of the avowed
purpose of the Texans in seeking recognition of independence as an
incident to the incorporation of Texas in the Union, concluding thus:
Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should still stand aloof
and maintain our present attitude, if not until Mexico itself or one of
the great foreign powers shall recognize the independence of the new
Government, at least until the lapse of time or the course of events
shall have proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of
that country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to uphold the
Government constituted by them. Neither of the contending parties can
justly complain of this course. By pursuing it we are but carrying
out the long-established policy of our Government--a policy which
has secured to us respect and influence abroad and inspired confidence
at home.
These are the words of the resolute and patriotic Jackson. They are
evidence that the United States, in addition to the test imposed by
public law as the condition of the recognition of independence by a
neutral state (to wit, that the revolted state shall "constitute in fact
a body politic, having a government in substance as well as in name,
possessed of the elements of stability," and forming _de facto_,
"if left to itself, a state among the nations, reasonably capable of
discharging the duties of a state"), has imposed for its own governance
in dealing with cases like these the further condition that recognition
of independent statehood is not due to a revolted dependency until the
danger of its being again subjugated by the parent state has entirely
passed away.
This extreme test was, in fact, applied in the case of Texas.
The Congress to whom President Jackso
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