re will be no peace or safety in
Ireland.--CORNWALLIS TO ROSS, _30th September 1798_.

The fairest method of dealing with the Act of Union of the British and
Irish Parliaments seems to be, firstly, to trace the development of
Pitt's thoughts on that subject; secondly, to survey the state of
affairs in Ireland after the Rebellion of 1798; and thirdly, to trace
the course of the negotiations whereby the new Lord Lieutenant,
Cornwallis, succeeded in carrying through the measure itself.

Firstly, it is clear that Pitt had long felt the need of closer
commercial ties between the two islands. As was shown in Chapter XI of
the former part of this work, he sought to prepare the way for such a
measure in the session of 1785. The importance which he attached to the
freeing of inter-insular trade appears in a phrase of his letter of 6th
January 1785 to the Duke of Rutland as to Great Britain and Ireland
becoming "one country in effect, though for local concerns under
distinct legislatures," This represents his first thoughts on the
subject. Obviously they were then limited to a commercial union. If the
two Parliaments and the two nations could have shaken off their
commercial jealousies, Pitt would probably have been satisfied with
fostering the prosperity of both islands, while leaving their
legislative machinery intact. But, being thwarted by the stupidity of
British traders and the nagging tactics adopted at Dublin, he wrote to
Rutland that his plan was not discredited by failure and they must
"await times and seasons for carrying it into effect."

Times and seasons brought, not peace and quiet, but the French
Revolution. With it there came an increase of racial and religious
feuds, which, however, did but strengthen his conviction of the need of
a closer connection between the two islands; witness his letter of 18th
November 1792 to the Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of Westmorland:

The idea of the present fermentation gradually bringing both
parties to think of an Union with this country has long been in
my mind. I hardly dare flatter myself with the hope of its
taking place; but I believe it, tho' itself not easy to be
accomplished, to be the only solution for other and greater
difficulties. The admission of Catholics to a share of suffrage
could not then be dangerous. The Protestant interest, in point
of power, property and Church Establishment, would be secure
because the decided m